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See examples translated by Stadtviertel Noun - Neutral 64 examples with alignment. See examples translated by Gegend Noun - Feminine 42 examples with alignment.
See examples translated by Gemeinde Noun - Feminine 42 examples with alignment. See examples translated by Verwaltungsbezirk Noun 27 examples with alignment.
See examples translated by Ortsteil Noun - Masculine 21 examples with alignment. See examples translated by Revier Noun - Neutral 7 examples with alignment.
See examples translated by Ort Noun - Masculine 3 examples with alignment. See examples translated by Gemarkung Noun 2 examples with alignment.
See examples translated by Kiez Noun - Masculine 1 examples with alignment. See examples translated by District examples with alignment. See examples translated by bezirks 79 examples with alignment.
See examples translated by Schulbezirk 58 examples with alignment. See examples translated by Bezirks- 6 examples with alignment.
See examples containing Bezirkes 16 examples with alignment Bezirk. Bezirk geschahen durch Feuerwaffen. Three schools in the district were under-performing, so they had to be closed.
Drei Schulen im Bezirk waren leistungsschwach, also mussten sie geschlossen werden. Bezirk waren leistungsschwach, also mussten sie geschlossen werden.
Federal statute forbids you leave the district. Other districts are more tightly constructed with the opposition party allowed a bare minority count, thereby wasting all the minority votes for the losing candidate.
These districts constitute the majority of districts and are drawn to produce a result favoring the incumbent party. A quantitative measure of the effect of gerrymandering is the efficiency gap , computed from the difference in the wasted votes for two different political parties summed over all the districts.
When the parties win district elections in rough proportion to their electoral popularity, the efficiency gap is near zero.
District Court in ruled against the drawing of Wisconsin legislative districts. In the election for the state legislature, that gap in wasted votes meant that one party had While the wasted vote effect is strongest when a party wins by narrow margins across multiple districts, gerrymandering narrow margins can be risky when voters are less predictable.
To minimize the risk of demographic or political shifts swinging a district to the opposition, politicians can create more packed districts, leading to more comfortable margins in unpacked ones.
Some political science research suggests that, contrary to common belief, gerrymandering does not decrease electoral competition, and can even increase it.
This may lead to increased competition. Instead of gerrymandering, some researchers find that other factors, such as partisan polarization and the incumbency advantage, have driven the recent decreases in electoral competition.
These findings are, however, a matter of some dispute. While gerrymandering may not decrease electoral competition in all cases, there are certainly instances where gerrymandering does reduce such competition.
One state in which gerrymandering has arguably had an adverse effect on electoral competition is California.
In , a bipartisan redistricting effort redrew congressional district lines in ways that all but guaranteed incumbent victories; as a result, California saw only one congressional seat change hands between and In response to this obvious gerrymandering, a referendum in California gave the power to redraw congressional district lines to the California Citizens Redistricting Commission , which had been created to draw California State Senate and Assembly districts by another referendum in In stark contrast to the redistricting efforts that followed the census, the redistricting commission has created a number of the most competitive congressional districts in the country.
The effect of gerrymandering for incumbents is particularly advantageous, as incumbents are far more likely to be reelected under conditions of gerrymandering.
For example, in , according to political scientists Norman Ornstein and Thomas Mann , only four challengers were able to defeat incumbent members of the U.
Congress, the lowest number in modern American history. Mann, a Senior Fellow of Governance Studies at the Brookings Institution , has also noted that "Redistricting is a deeply political process, with incumbents actively seeking to minimize the risk to themselves via bipartisan gerrymanders or to gain additional seats for their party via partisan gerrymanders ".
This can be highly problematic from a governance perspective, because forming districts to ensure high levels of partisanship often leads to higher levels of partisanship in legislative bodies.
This demonstrates that gerrymandering can have a deleterious effect on the principle of democratic accountability. Gerrymandering can affect campaign costs for district elections.
If districts become increasingly stretched out, candidates must pay increased costs for transportation and trying to develop and present campaign advertising across a district.
Gerrymandering also has significant effects on the representation received by voters in gerrymandered districts. Because gerrymandering can be designed to increase the number of wasted votes among the electorate, the relative representation of particular groups can be drastically altered from their actual share of the voting population.
This effect can significantly prevent a gerrymandered system from achieving proportional and descriptive representation , as the winners of elections are increasingly determined by who is drawing the districts rather than the preferences of the voters.
Gerrymandering may be advocated to improve representation within the legislature among otherwise underrepresented minority groups by packing them into a single district.
Candidates outside that district no longer need to represent them to win elections. As an example, much of the redistricting conducted in the United States in the early s involved the intentional creation of additional "majority-minority" districts where racial minorities such as African Americans were packed into the majority.
This "maximization policy" drew support by both the Republican Party who had limited support among African Americans and could concentrate their power elsewhere and by minority representatives elected as Democrats from these constituencies, who then had safe seats.
In the seven states where Republicans had complete control over the redistricting process, Republican House candidates received The redistricting resulted in Republican victories in 73 out of the affected seats; in those 7 states, Republicans received In Michigan , redistricting was constructed by a Republican Legislature in Gerrymandering can also be done to help incumbents as a whole, effectively turning every district into a packed one and greatly reducing the potential for competitive elections.
This is particularly likely to occur when the minority party has significant obstruction power—unable to enact a partisan gerrymander, the legislature instead agrees on ensuring their own mutual reelection.
In an unusual occurrence in , for example, the two dominant parties in the state of California cooperatively redrew both state and Federal legislative districts to preserve the status quo, ensuring the electoral safety of the politicians from unpredictable voting by the electorate.
This move proved completely effective, as no State or Federal legislative office changed party in the election , although 53 congressional, 20 state senate, and 80 state assembly seats were potentially at risk.
The resulting districts gave each party a guaranteed seat and retained their respective power base. This phenomenon violates the principle of one person, one vote because, although many prisoners come from and return to urban communities, they are counted as "residents" of the rural districts that contain large prisons, thereby artificially inflating the political representation in districts with prisons at the expense of voters in all other districts without prisons.
Due to the perceived issues associated with gerrymandering and its effect on competitive elections and democratic accountability, numerous countries have enacted reforms making the practice either more difficult or less effective.
Countries such as the U. In Spain, they are constitutionally fixed since In the United States, however, such reforms are controversial and frequently meet particularly strong opposition from groups that benefit from gerrymandering.
In a more neutral system, they might lose considerable influence. The most commonly advocated electoral reform proposal targeted at gerrymandering is to change the redistricting process.
Under these proposals, an independent and presumably objective commission is created specifically for redistricting, rather than having the legislature do it.
This is the system used in the United Kingdom, where the independent boundary commissions determine the boundaries for constituencies in the House of Commons and the devolved legislatures , subject to ratification by the body in question almost always granted without debate.
A similar situation exists in Australia where the independent Australian Electoral Commission and its state-based counterparts determine electoral boundaries for federal, state and local jurisdictions.
To help ensure neutrality, members of a redistricting agency may be appointed from relatively apolitical sources such as retired judges or longstanding members of the civil service, possibly with requirements for adequate representation among competing political parties.
Additionally, members of the board can be denied access to information that might aid in gerrymandering, such as the demographic makeup or voting patterns of the population.
As a further constraint, consensus requirements can be imposed to ensure that the resulting district map reflects a wider perception of fairness, such as a requirement for a supermajority approval of the commission for any district proposal.
Consensus requirements, however, can lead to deadlock, such as occurred in Missouri following the census. There, the equally numbered partisan appointees were unable to reach consensus in a reasonable time, and consequently the courts had to determine district lines.
Congressional Research Service determines boundaries of electoral districts. Aside from satisfying federally mandated contiguity and population equality criteria, the LSB mandates unity of counties and cities.
Consideration of political factors such as location of incumbents, previous boundary locations, and political party proportions is specifically forbidden.
In , the U. A complex mathematical formula was to be used to determine the competitiveness of a district. The measure failed voter approval chiefly due to voter concerns that communities of interest would be broken up.
Delaney as a means to implement non-partisan redistricting. When a single political party controls both legislative houses of a state during redistricting, both Democrats and Republicans have displayed a marked propensity for couching the process in secrecy; in May , for example, the Republican National Committee held a redistricting training session in Ohio where the theme was "Keep it Secret, Keep it Safe".
In response to these types of problems, redistricting transparency legislation has been introduced to US Congress a number of times in recent years, including the Redistricting Transparency Acts of , , and The merit of increasing transparency in redistricting processes is based largely on the premise that lawmakers would be less inclined to draw gerrymandered districts if they were forced to defend such districts in a public forum.
Because gerrymandering relies on the wasted-vote effect , the use of a different voting system with fewer wasted votes can help reduce gerrymandering.
In particular, the use of multi-member districts alongside voting systems establishing proportional representation such as single transferable voting can reduce wasted votes and gerrymandering.
Semi-proportional voting systems such as single non-transferable vote or cumulative voting are relatively simple and similar to first past the post and can also reduce the proportion of wasted votes and thus potential gerrymandering.
Electoral reformers have advocated all three as replacement systems. Electoral systems with various forms of proportional representation are now found in nearly all European countries, resulting in multi-party systems with many parties represented in the parliaments with higher voter attendance in the elections,  fewer wasted votes, and a wider variety of political opinions represented.
Electoral systems with election of just one winner in each district i. In these, just two parties effectively compete in the national elections and thus the national political discussions are forced into a narrow two-party frame, where loyalty and forced statements inside the two parties distort the political debate.
If a proportional or semi-proportional voting system is used then increasing the number of winners in any given district will reduce the number of wasted votes.
This can be accomplished both by merging separate districts together and by increasing the total size of the body to be elected.
Since gerrymandering relies on exploiting the wasted vote effect, increasing the number of winners per district can reduce the potential for gerrymandering in proportional systems.
Unless all districts are merged, however, this method cannot eliminate gerrymandering entirely. In contrast to proportional methods, if a nonproportional voting system with multiple winners such as block voting is used, then increasing the size of the elected body while keeping the number of districts constant will not reduce the amount of wasted votes, leaving the potential for gerrymandering the same.
While merging districts together under such a system can reduce the potential for gerrymandering, doing so also amplifies the tendency of block voting to produce landslide victories , creating a similar effect to gerrymandering by concentrating wasted votes among the opposition and denying them representation.
If a system of single-winner elections is used, then increasing the size of the elected body will implicitly increase the number of districts to be created.
This change can actually make gerrymandering easier when raising the number of single-winner elections, as opposition groups can be more efficiently packed into smaller districts without accidentally including supporters, further increasing the number of wasted votes amongst the opposition.
Another way to avoid gerrymandering is simply to stop redistricting altogether and use existing political boundaries such as state, county, or provincial lines.
While this prevents future gerrymandering, any existing advantage may become deeply ingrained. The United States Senate , for instance, has more competitive elections than the House of Representatives due to the use of existing state borders rather than gerrymandered districts—Senators are elected by their entire state, while Representatives are elected in legislatively drawn districts.
The use of fixed districts creates an additional problem, however, in that fixed districts do not take into account changes in population.
Individual voters can come to have very different degrees of influence on the legislative process. This malapportionment can greatly affect representation after long periods of time or large population movements.
In the United Kingdom during the Industrial Revolution , several constituencies that had been fixed since they gained representation in the Parliament of England became so small that they could be won with only a handful of voters rotten boroughs.
Similarly, in the U. Sims Supreme Court decision in , establishing a rule of one man, one vote. Another means to reduce gerrymandering is to create objective, precise criteria to which any district map must comply.
Courts in the United States, for instance, have ruled that congressional districts must be contiguous in order to be constitutional.
Depending on the distribution of voters for a particular party, metrics that maximize compactness can be opposed to metrics that minimize the efficiency gap.
For example, in the United States, voters registered with the Democratic Party tend to be concentrated in cities, potentially resulting in a large number of "wasted" votes if compact districts are drawn around city populations.
One method is to define a minimum district to convex polygon ratio [ definition needed ]. To use this method, every proposed district is circumscribed by the smallest possible convex polygon similar to the concept of a convex hull ; think of stretching a rubberband around the outline of the district.
Then, the area of the district is divided [ further explanation needed ] by the area of the polygon; or, if at the edge of the state, by the portion of the area of the polygon within state boundaries.
The advantages of this method are that it allows a certain amount of human intervention to take place thus solving the Colorado problem of splitline districting ; it allows the borders of the district to follow existing jagged subdivisions, such as neighbourhoods or voting districts something isoperimetric rules would discourage ; and it allows concave coastline districts, such as the Florida gulf coast area.
It would mostly eliminate bent districts, but still permit long, straight ones. However, since human intervention is still allowed, the gerrymandering issues of packing and cracking would still occur, just to a lesser extent.
The Center for Range Voting has proposed  a way to draw districts by a simple algorithm. The algorithm slightly simplified is:.
This district-drawing algorithm has the advantages of simplicity, ultra-low cost, a single possible result thus no possibility of human interference , lack of intentional bias, and it produces simple boundaries that do not meander needlessly.
It has the disadvantage of ignoring geographic features such as rivers, cliffs, and highways and cultural features such as tribal boundaries.
This landscape oversight causes it to produce districts different from those a human would produce. Ignoring geographic features can induce very simple boundaries.
While most districts produced by the method will be fairly compact and either roughly rectangular or triangular, some of the resulting districts can still be long and narrow strips or triangles of land.
Like most automatic redistricting rules, the shortest splitline algorithm will fail to create majority-minority districts, for both ethnic and political minorities, if the minority populations are not very compact.
This might reduce minority representation. Another criticism of the system is that splitline districts sometimes divide and diffuse the voters in a large metropolitan area.
This condition is most likely to occur when one of the first splitlines cuts through the metropolitan area. It is often considered a drawback of the system because residents of the same agglomeration are assumed to be a community of common interest.
This is most evident in the splitline allocation of Colorado. As of July , shortest-splitline redistricting pictures, based on the results of the census, are available for all 50 states.
It is possible to define a specific minimum isoperimetric quotient ,  proportional to the ratio between the area and the square of the perimeter of any given congressional voting district.
Although technologies presently exist to define districts in this manner, there are no rules in place mandating their use, and no national movement to implement such a policy.
One problem with the simplest version of this rule is that it would prevent incorporation of jagged natural boundaries, such as rivers or mountains; when such boundaries are required, such as at the edge of a state, certain districts may not be able to meet the required minima.
One way of avoiding this problem is to allow districts which share a border with a state border to replace that border with a polygon or semi-circle enclosing the state boundary as a kind of virtual boundary definition, but using the actual perimeter of the district whenever this occurs inside the state boundaries.
Enforcing a minimum isoperimetric quotient would encourage districts with a high ratio between area and perimeter. The efficiency gap is a simply-calculable measure that can show the effects of gerrymandering.
The difference in these wasted votes are divided by total votes cast, and the resulting percentage is the efficiency gap.
The introduction of modern computers alongside the development of elaborate voter databases and special districting software has made gerrymandering a far more precise science.
Using such databases, political parties can obtain detailed information about every household including political party registration, previous campaign donations, and the number of times residents voted in previous elections and combine it with other predictors of voting behavior such as age, income, race, or education level.
With this data, gerrymandering politicians can predict the voting behavior of each potential district with an astonishing degree of precision, leaving little chance for creating an accidentally competitive district.
On the other hand, the introduction of modern computers would let the United States Census Bureau to calculate more equal populations in every voting district that are based only on districts being the most compact and equal populations.
This could be done easily using their Block Centers based on the Global Positioning System rather than street addresses. With this data, gerrymandering politicians will not be in charge, thus allowing competitive districts again.
Several western democracies, notably Israel , the Netherlands , Slovakia and Slovenia employ an electoral system with only one nationwide voting district for election of national representatives.
This virtually precludes gerrymandering. The number of representatives for each district can change after a census due to population shifts, but their boundaries do not change.
This also effectively eliminates gerrymandering. Additionally, many countries where the president is directly elected by the citizens e.
France , Poland , among others use only one electoral district for presidential election, despite using multiple districts to elect representatives.
Gerrymandering has not typically been considered a problem in the Australian electoral system largely because drawing of electoral boundaries has typically been done by non-partisan electoral commissions.
There have been historical cases of malapportionment , whereby the distribution of electors to electorates was not in proportion to the population in several states.
For example, Sir Thomas Playford was Premier of South Australia from to as a result of a system of malapportionment, which became known as the Playmander , despite it not strictly speaking involving a gerrymander.
In Queensland , malapportionment combined with a gerrymander under Premier Sir Joh Bjelke-Petersen became nicknamed the Bjelkemander in the s and s.
In the election , for example, the National Party received Early in Canadian history, both the federal and provincial levels used gerrymandering to try to maximise partisan power.
When Alberta and Saskatchewan were admitted to Confederation in , their original district boundaries were set forth in the respective Alberta and Saskatchewan Acts.
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Orthographically similar words distinct , distract Distrikt. Aus dem Umfeld der Suche ward , space , department , area , domain , zone , quarter , county , clime , sector , region.
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